Isbreen

Vyrde Lesar.

I Sarpsborg møter man på problemer. Isbreen og isbreelvene har lagt fra seg sand og leire. Kvikkleire. Den siste istiden begynte for ca 20 000 år siden, og siden klimaet bølget till fram og tilbake, gikk også den flere kilometer tykke isen fram og tilbake. For ca 11000 år siden var den på tilbakegang, men en kuldebølge satte påny fart i veksten. Isen skøv gamle morenerygger og annen grus og sand foran seg, og vi fikk Raet som strekker seg over store deler av Skandinavia. Her står vi ved Glengshølen og her lå isen og stanget. Det samme med Tunevannet, Vestevannet, Isesjø, Vansjø ..... elvene under isen dro med seg stein, grus og leirepartikler, i tillegg til isens bulldozerviksomhet. «Apres nous le deluge», etter oss kommer syndefloden, stemte nok ikke helt for isbreens virksomheter, men etter at den smeltet og trakk seg oppover mot Nordpolen, kom havet. På det høyeste stod det 200 meter høyere enn i dag, og vi, Tuninger kunne ikke si anne enn "Blubb, blubb!!" Vi var fisk, rettogslett. Men som fuglen føniks, reiste landet seg av asken (eller havet)..


Hav var det også over Jeløy. Her skjedde det en liten forkastning lenge før siste istid, så Jeløy, men ikke Moss, er en del av Oslobassenget. Isen skrapte vekk mesteparten av Østfolds historie, men litt av de gamle bergartene ligger igjen på og under Jeløy. Vulkanske, sandstein, leirskifer, grunnfjell. Mossesundet (mellom Jeløy og Moss) var egentlig en vulkan.

Et galleri ligger på Jeløy. Galleri F15. Gården kjøpte Moss kommune i 1963(?), og her havnet galleriet Fossen 15. I Sarpsborg selger man i dag Greåker Fort til boligspekulanter. Det er på tide med folk som vet hva kultur er i styre og stell.

Roger Larsen

Ps:
Ekspertene er enige om at renten bør opp, men ikke hvor raskt den bør heves. Min boligrente var på 13,5% i 1987. Rekorden i Hypotekbanken var 24%. Hva blir den nå da montro ?

Aksjemarkedet er meeeget volatilt, og de store aksjespekulantene sikrer ... før jul ??

Pss:
SA mener at USA sine etteretningsorganisasjoner er bra greier. Og det er de kanskje. I Irak er det ei virkelig smørje, ser mange ut til å mene.

Psss:
PølseHansen/JernHansen/FlauseHansen/SnartPåVeiUtHansen mener at innvandrere må lære seg norsk for å få jobb. Det er 130 000 hårdt arbeidende polakker i landet. Kan de norsk ?

Brev til SA :

Det er mulig jeg har misforstått noe, men det er da 130 000 hårdt arbeidende polakker i landet. Kan de norsk alle sammen.

Kanskje problemet ligger et annet sted. For eksempel så vil ikke kommunen ha flere flyktninger. Det er manko på arbeidskraft i kommunen, og verre vil det (muligens) bli. Kan dere ikke spørre byens politikere om de ikke vil ha flere Polakker også ? Eller om de vet noe vi vanlige slitere ikke vet om flyktninger ?

Men slike spørsmål er kanskje rasistiske ?

:-? Roger

Se for øvrig :

August 13, 2006
OP-ED COLUMNIST
The Culture of Nations
By DAVID BROOKS
Diplomats in New York rack up a lot of unpaid parking tickets, but not all rack them up at the same rates. According to the economists Raymond Fisman and Edward Miguel, diplomats from countries that rank high on the Transparency International corruption index pile up huge numbers of unpaid tickets, whereas diplomats from countries that rank low on the index barely get any at all.

Between 1997 and 2002, the U.N. Mission of Kuwait picked up 246 parking violations per diplomat. Diplomats from Egypt, Chad, Sudan, Mozambique, Pakistan, Ethiopia and Syria also committed huge numbers of violations. Meanwhile, not a single parking violation by a Swedish diplomat was recorded. Nor were there any by diplomats from Denmark, Japan, Israel, Norway or Canada.

The reason there are such wide variations in ticket rates is that human beings are not merely products of economics. The diplomats paid no cost for parking illegally, thanks to diplomatic immunity. But human beings are also shaped by cultural and moral norms. If you’re Swedish and you have a chance to pull up in front of a fire hydrant, you still don’t do it. You’re Swedish. That’s who you are.

Walter Lippmann got to the crux of the matter in a speech 65 years ago. People don’t become happy by satisfying their desires, he said. They become happy by living within a belief system that restrains and gives coherence to their desires: “Above all the other necessities of human nature, above the satisfaction of any other need, above hunger, love, pleasure, fame — even life itself — what a man most needs is the conviction that he is contained within the discipline of an ordered existence.” People need the coherence their culture provides and value it even more than easy parking.

For several decades a veteran foreign aid worker, Lawrence E. Harrison, has contemplated the power of culture in shaping behavior. He’s concluded that cultural differences mostly explain why some nations develop quickly while others do not. All cultures have value because they provide coherence, but some cultures foster development while others retard it. Some cultures check corruption, while others permit it. Some cultures focus on the future, while others focus on the past. Some cultures encourage the belief that individuals can control their own destinies, while others encourage fatalism.

In a new book, “The Central Liberal Truth,” Harrison takes up the question that is at the center of politics today: Can we self-consciously change cultures so they encourage development and modernization? Harrison is writing about poverty, but this is incidentally a book about the war on terror, and whether it is possible to change culture in the Middle East and the ghettos of Muslim Europe.

On the one hand, Harrison is an optimist. He has taken his title from one of Daniel Patrick Moynihan’s greatest observations: “The central conservative truth is that it is culture, not politics, that determines the success of a society. The central liberal truth is that politics can change a culture and save it from itself.”

But when Harrison turns to how politics can change culture, you find he is a man who has been made aware of the limitations on what we can know and achieve. Harrison and a team of global academics studied cultural transformations in Ireland, China, Latin America and elsewhere. They concluded that cultural change can’t be imposed from the outside, except in rare circumstances. It has to be led by people who recognize and accept responsibility for their own culture’s problems and selectively reinterpret their own traditions to encourage modernization.

Harrison observes that gigantic investments in education, and especially in improving female literacy, usually precede transformations. Chile was highly literate in the 19th century, and in 1905, 90 percent of Japanese children were in school. These investments laid the groundwork for takeoffs that were decades away.

Harrison points to many other factors — leaders who encourage economic liberalization, movements that restrict the power of the clerics — but the main impressions he leaves are that cultural change is measured in centuries, not decades, and that cultures are separated from one another by veils of complexity and difference.

If Harrison is right, it is no wonder that young Muslim men in Britain might decide to renounce freedom and prosperity for midair martyrdom. They are driven by a deep cultural need for meaning. But it is also foolish to think we can address the root causes of their toxic desires. We’ll just have to fight the symptoms of a disease we can neither cure nor understand.

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